The Crisis of Freedom and Development after the Arab Spring Revolutions: A Reading of the Current Scene and Dimensions of the Debate (2011-2019) - CAUS - Center for Arab Unity Studies
summary:
The Arab world is living in the midst of the revolutions of the Arab Spring, a difficult struggle, after the debate today links between freedom and development, the priority of one over the other and its role in building Arab societies, and bringing about the desired economic development, which the Arab masses yearned for, after restricting freedoms and draining wealth in the service of a ruling class. Without directing them to develop their countries and advance their development policies, which raised a deep problem about the demand for freedom and development, which represents the essence of the general policies of states in the service of citizens. Freedom is the mother of development, especially since many see freedom as the path that paves the way for economic development. Rather, it is the desired end of citizens.
Keywords: Arab Spring, freedom, development, democracy, Arab countries.
an introduction:
Freedom has always been and still is the basic and important demand for all peoples of the world, for which wars and revolutions have arisen, a desire for change and access to a fair world, enjoying freedom and the accompanying development of societies in their present and future.
The yoke of tyranny has been hanging over the skies of the Arab countries. After they gained their independence from colonialism that lasted for decades, peoples thought that they had achieved the demand for freedom and gained the honor of living with dignity in their countries. However, the regimes that ruled them after independence disappointed them, so they tended to suppress every voice demanding freedom. Opponents of the adopted policies that did not achieve the desired development. These circumstances were the impetus to sharpen the desire more to break away from the tyranny of the existing regimes, so the Arab peoples announced their rejection of the situation, and demanded change at the beginning of the twenty-first century through revolutions known as the revolutions of the Arab Spring.
These revolutions have sparked a lot of discussions, and many researchers and scholars have asked ink about the conditions of the Arab region, in their desire to analyze and understand the reality of these revolutions in the present and their future outcomes, and to evaluate what they have achieved and what they have not achieved from the hopes of the Arab peoples to gain freedom and achieve the desired development for their homelands. Hence, we ask: How did the course of the Arab revolutions affect the level of freedom and development in Arab countries during the period 2011-2019? Were the countries that witnessed the Arab Spring able to get out of the predicament of dependency on previous regimes, and achieve the desired demand for freedom and development away from the dialectic of the priority of one over the other within the political agenda?
First: The reality of freedom and development in Arab societies
No two disagree that the concept of freedom is one of the concepts circulating among individuals of different levels and circumstances, as a necessity of life and its permanent connection with the unbridled desire of man for a sense of self, an idea whose merchandise has spread, and the agenda of the contemporary Arab world has settled in the yearning for a world that enjoys freedom and equality far from the yoke of injustice and tyranny.
The concept of freedom for the Moroccan thinker Abdallah Laroui includes two phenomena: The first is related to reform within the scope of collective activity, which leads to the formation of a reform movement to abolish laws, erase customs or change behavior, as it means a call that ends with a liberation movement. As for the second aspect, it indicates that the call for freedom uses every article of freedom, whether original or imported, ancient or contemporary, general or private, easy or complex [1] . A number of people felt it and expressed it in liberation movements to achieve progress and renewal.
Some researchers and thinkers traded the concept by linking it to the theses of liberalism, where John Locke expressed freedom by saying: “The freedom of those who live within the framework of a state, lies in the presence of a permanent law according to which they live and applies to all of them, and is legislated by the legislative authority in society, So that one of them follows his desires in all matters that are not prohibited by law, and is not subject to the arbitrary will of the others [2] .
Freedom is to be a citizen of a state implanted in ourselves, and our constant awareness of belonging to a homeland in which we can express our opinions and decisions with different sects and identities without restraint or fear, and under a law that protects and contains difference for the supremacy of the state of law and rights, where wherever there is a right, the law is required to protect it.
In this sense there is freedom in the presence of a state, which necessitates the right to choose the ruler as a right that advances all the basic rights of all the peoples of the world. All other political, social and economic rights and their importance remain following this right. The way of implementation is only if there is a political will that is identical with the will and desires of the people [3] .
Therefore, freedom cannot be represented by those who are not affiliated with a group, under a state that respects rights and freedoms. Therefore, the liberation of the individual is linked to the liberation of society as an inevitable necessity, and that freedom of thought is linked to political freedom, and this is with social and economic freedom that produces development and progress in various fields.
Freedom is also linked to a more important concept that is achieved by its presence and negated by its absence, which is the concept of development, this necessary process for any society that seeks to ensure its progress and civilized advancement, as it transcends human life and well-being, because today we talk more about the necessity of human development in his present and future, to ensure the formation of a good citizen. , enjoys his full rights and works to develop his country, given that the development process is an integrative process based on the efforts of the state and individuals in a society where freedoms and respect for others are endemic.
Here, we ask, have the Arab peoples gained since their independence from colonialism their freedom in the sense explained above? Or was it a formality that does not exist in the daily practice of individuals in various fields, especially the political? Was it able to advance the development of its societies, or is it still the demand of the majority of the people that has not yet been embodied?
Arab societies are experiencing attempts by the existing regimes to implement freedoms and activate the right of citizens to express their opinions and participate in various decisions, in accordance with political, social, and economic reforms that aim to delude the peoples of their political, social, and economic renaissance. However, the reality of the situation in these countries did not suggest the existence of freedom except in a formal way, and there were no development policies or strategies except ink on paper, most of which were not accomplished, but rather remained folded in the drawers of officials for decades, to go with them the dreams of peoples of development and progress in the winds.
This suggests that there is a crisis of freedom in the Arab countries, which is now posing deep problems related to political, economic, social, and even intellectual crises, which are originally the result of these countries’ negligence in thought and practice in the application of democracy and freedom in all its political, cultural, economic and social meanings, and at its various levels. Individual, elite and collective. What made the Human Development Report 2004 categorize the Arab nation in the last ranks with regard to knowledge, public freedoms or women's rights, and the reason for this is the loss of the value of freedom, which is the first entrance to human development in all its forms [4] .
As development and the provision of aids for a decent life remain the demand of the majority of peoples, however, talking about development in Arab countries, especially those that witnessed the Arab Spring revolution, suggests that although they have achieved relative progress, they are still below the desired level of development whose indicators can be measured, as the level of development has regressed. In Arab societies as a result of the spread of political and financial corruption, economic relations did not liberate from the domination of the state and its ideology even in the major stages of economic liberalization, except to become in the hands of a group that benefits from corruption and the deliberate bankruptcy of public institutions, and the increase in dependence on the global market, accompanied by high unemployment rates and the collapse of the economy for many Arab Spring countries [5] .
On this basis, it is not possible to imagine development without freedom, and there is no freedom in a society whose members live in poor social and economic conditions, which certainly affects the level of their freedoms and their reluctance to God in many decisions that serve the future of their country, which is the reality of individuals in many Arab countries. The one who blew up the Arab Spring revolutions, demanding regime change and riding the wave of democracy, including freedom, equality, justice and development... and others, which for decades remained mere slogans chanted by the ruling regimes, and promises of electoral programs that only achieved the interests of the ruler’s entourage and his aides.
Second: The Arab Spring Wave: Prospects and Discussions
For decades, the Arab peoples have been suffering from the pain of tyranny, and hoped for a prosperous future based on freedom and development at all levels and fields. Therefore, the desire for change and breaking the siege of tyranny in the hearts of peoples prevailed, so they raised the banner of demands for the removal and overthrow of tyrannical regimes, after they failed to achieve the desired development and establish regimes. A democracy based on the rule of the people and their freedom to choose their ruler, given that freedom of choice is an essential and pivotal entry point in the approach to development and the democratization of state structures and institutions and the structures of society.
The debate on the Arab Spring dates back to the beginning of the twenty-first century, where we will focus in our study on the most important revolutions, by studying and analyzing the revolutionary experiences in Tunisia, Egypt, as well as Algeria as more dynamic experiences, fueled by events and developments that drew new scenarios in the course of the Arab Spring revolutions, where we will present It has its general context, and its causes and motives, with reference to other experiences in the context of the analysis.
The revolution is defined in the Encyclopedia of Sociology as: “Those radical changes in the institutional structures of society, which work to transform society outwardly and fundamentally from a prevailing pattern to a new one, compatible with the principles, values, ideology and goals of the revolution, and the revolution may be violent and bloody, as it may be peaceful and be Sudden fast or slow gradual [6] .
At the end of 2010, the Arab region witnessed many revolutions and popular protests that ranged between peaceful and bloody, as many reasons and factors combined in their emergence, the most important of which can be mentioned in the light of the following points:
1- Similarities in the factors of change
After several motives motivate the revolution, such as political corruption and the tyranny of the ruling regimes on the reins of government, and in return the people live in abject poverty and miserable living conditions, a poll of 8,045 young people in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen, conducted by the Al Jazeera Center for Studies (AJCS), showed The spread of corruption, and the deterioration of national economies, were the most cited reasons for the uprisings across the region [7] .
2- The weakness of the political structure in the Arab countries
Building systems often centered on the personality of the president, without developing them into institutional systems that provide advice and visions to the political establishment, which made it weak in the face of internal tide and external pressures.
3- The Arab peoples have broken the barrier of fear
After the Arab peoples were obsessed with fear due to the violence and oppression they were subjected to, they were able to break this barrier by expressing and defending their demands, due to their strong belief in the necessity of reform to achieve comprehensive human development.
The emergence of a new generation of young people completely away from traditional parties or nationalist movements, or even Islamic movements, in which civil society institutions represented an important force, adopting modern technological tools that supported the demonstrations and contributed to the success of others [8] .
All these factors and others served as the fuel that ignited the Arab Spring revolutions, where the beginning was a popular uprising in Tunisia, as a reaction after Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire, in protest against his impoverishment and starvation by confiscating a source of livelihood in the area of Sidi Bouzid, and it was the spark that moved the people in a white revolution. (The Jasmine Revolution), which ended with the exclusion of Ben Ali from the Tunisian political scene on January 14, 2011, who went out as a refugee to Saudi Arabia for more than eight years, until his death on September 19, 2019 in his own exile [9] .
Since its inception, the political movement in Tunisia has been characterized by a spontaneous character, and the absence of a leadership element in it. It was also distinguished by the absence of any sectarian or ethnic slogans, and without exclusion of any party, to impress the movement with the character of national unity, and the desire to achieve the goals of the movement of freedom, democracy and comprehensive development, which restores the Tunisian people. his dignity in his own country. However, after the fall of the regime, the movement had to be structured and led, so several actors emerged. The Ennahda movement was one of the most important parties contributing to framing, and it topped the Tunisian political scene [10] .
Events unfolded and the masses continued their demonstrations in defense of the demands they raised, so it was decided to delegate the leadership of the transitional phase to an interim government until the holding of the first legislative elections on October 23, 2011, to form the National Constituent Assembly. Several political parties participated in these elections, which they won.” The Ennahda Movement headed by the Constituent Assembly, whose first task was to elect a head of state, who in turn would appoint the head of government.
At a later stage, it was decided to formulate a constitution for the state, which would serve as a crucible in which all sects would gather and express all voices, without marginalization or exclusion. It would be a protector of rights and a guarantor of the independence of the authorities, and a preserver of the freedom of all citizens, thus refuting the tensions and disputes, in a manner that achieves the public interest and preserves peace. Thus, the new Tunisian constitution was the most democratic and liberal in the Arab Islamic world [11] .
As a result of the political tensions and conflicts, and the failure of the troika government to get out of the crises it inherited from the previous regime, and the accompanying insecurity, the Ennahda movement was forced to give up the prime ministership and submit its resignation on November 28, 2013 in favor of a negotiating transitional government, which would He moved the country to new legislative elections, which were held on October 26, 2014, which resulted in the victory of the Nidaa Tounes party led by Beji Caid Essebsi, who, according to the presidential elections of November 23, 2014, became President of the Republic of Tunisia - the first democratically elected president since The country’s independence - which appointed Habib Essid as prime minister, and assigned him to form a new government that included ministers from the Nidaa Tounes party, the Islamist Ennahda party, Afaq Tounes and other parties [12] .
After the successful national dialogue in Tunisia, which created a comprehensive road map towards political stability, the Tunisian people concluded their revolutionary march with presidential elections on October 13, 2019, in which they expressed their free choice of President Qais bin Said, who confirmed that Tunisia awaits great challenges to establish a state A democracy that preserves liberties and rights, and it is a collective responsibility that all forces in the state must unite to achieve.
After that, the slogan of freedom, democracy and state-building was issued in Tahrir Square on January 25, 2011, as the Egyptian people rose up and demanded the overthrow of the rule of President Hosni Mubarak, which only produced corrupt elites and a strong security grip that protects the interests of these elites. The American Foreign Policy magazine ranked him in the fifteenth place as the worst of the 2010s, describing him as “a tyrannical absolute ruler, suffering from megalomania, and his preoccupation is to continue in his position” [13] .
This position, which he initially refused to step down from, then submitted his resignation under pressure from the masses, a stage during which elections were organized that included conflicts between several factions and parties, ending with the victory of the Brotherhood candidate for the presidency, Mohamed Morsi in 2012, whose rule did not last for more than a year. Regional and international support for the counter-revolution contributed to aborting the January revolution and re-producing a repressive police system, following a military coup by the army against the elected president. The military establishment took the lead once again, and imposed itself as a single and dominant actor after Abdel Fattah al-Sisi ascended to power on July 03. 2013 [14] , and later in the year 2014, formal presidential elections were held to legitimize Sisi’s rule. Proposals to amend the constitution were discussed, which included extending the presidential term to 6 years instead of 4 years, and lifting the ban on the current president’s candidacy for a new term.
These developments brought to mind the scenario of the old repressive regime, which the Egyptian people were not convinced of, so it went out again in demonstrations on September 20, 2019 calling on Sisi to step down and submit his resignation, after many corruption cases in which he was involved were exposed, as well as the American and Israeli support he receives For the continuity of his rule, thus setting aside the demands of the January revolution, the demonstrations were met with violence, and many political activists and a number of protesters were arrested, whose number, according to the Egyptian Commissioner for Rights and Freedoms, reached about 4,321 detainees, all of which are considerations that may lead to new developments [15] .
The fuse of the revolution moved to Libya, which would not have been possible to overthrow the regime of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi without foreign intervention, to turn the country into a battlefield for several regional and international powers, whose goal was not to build a modern democratic state, but rather to exploit the map of natural resources in Libya, and oil mainly in the light of conflicts As for Syria, it was not far from foreign intervention, as the revolution turned into a grinding war after President Bashar al-Assad refused to step down, and the country became a theater of war with which it was no longer possible to predict its results. On the other hand, regional parties to the Yemeni regime presented what was known as the Gulf initiative, which defused the revolution, and kept the old ruling party that, along with Ansar Allah (Houthis) group, militarily deviated from the path of dialogue, and ignited a war that continues to this day. The popular movement was aborted by direct Gulf intervention [16] .
In a second stage, a new wave of popular demonstrations calling for change began, as violent protests erupted in northern Sudan on December 19, 2018, known as the “bread revolution”, which led to the overthrow of Omar al-Bashir’s regime on April 11, 2019, and the army announced The start of a two-year transitional period that ends with holding elections, yet the country is still unstable, so that the winds of the Arab Spring return to blow in Algeria, which caught up with events after analyzes ruled out being affected by the revolutions of the Arab Spring. However, the signs of popular rejection of the ruling regime and its policies were early (the fourth term), after it failed to achieve the national state project, wasted the balance of the Algerian revolution, and even consumed the people’s capabilities and wealth, and closed their horizons under a bureaucratic military rule [17] .
On Friday, February 22, 2019, the Algerian street publicly revolted, announcing that Algeria had entered the path of the Arab Spring with peaceful marches, bearing the slogan of freedom and unequivocal rejection of the fifth term of former President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, after his complete inability to perform his duties in running the country, and the removal of all symbols of the corrupt regime, After two months have passed, he was forced to step down and announce his resignation from the presidency of the Republic on April 2, 2019, especially after the army abandoned him, so that Abdelkader Bensalah would run the country as interim president for a period of (90 days), until presidential elections are held as stipulated. Article (102) of the Algerian constitution [18] .
In light of the people continuing their peaceful protests, and their demand for the departure of all symbols of the former regime for more than 32 Fridays, the former army chief of staff announced the necessity of holding presidential elections on December 12, 2019, to choose a new president for Algeria, a call that was supposed to be the transitional president Abdelkader Bensalah to direct it under the constitution. We point out here that the elections that were to be organized at the beginning of July, coinciding with the end of the transitional period for the interim president (90 days), were not organized due to the lack of candidates. Therefore, the term of Dr. Abdelkader Bensalah was extended as head of state until presidential elections are held.
In this context, Marwan Kabalan, director of the Political Studies Unit at the Arab Center, indicated during a symposium entitled “Prospects for the Protest Movement and the Future of Democratic Transition in Algeria,” that Algeria faces two main tracks: an obstacle to democratization; The second is the political path that the protest movement is pushing, in the hope that this path will contribute to achieving a real democratic transformation [19] .
تأسيسًا على ما سبق، يبدو جليًا أن مطلب الحرية و التنمية، مثلًا أولى أولويات الثورات العربية الطامحة لمستقبل أفضل، يقوم على احترام الحقوق والحريات، فكانت القوى الشعبية وبخاصة الشباب الفاعل المحوري في هندسة مسار الانتقال الذي تشهده بلدان الربيع العربي، ساعدها في ذلك ما وفرته البيئة الرقمية من أدوات ووسائل للتواصل السريع، والذي مكّن من تعبئة الرأي العام وتوصيل مطالب الجماهير إلى خارج حدود بلدانهم، ليعبّروا بكل قوة عن رفض الواقع، والسمو نحو مستقبل تقوده نخب واعية، من شأنها أن تؤسس دعائم دولة الحق والقانون التي تحفظ الحريات وتحقق التنمية المنشودة.
ثالثًا: الحرية والتنمية: أي منوال؟
إن الحديث عن نتائج الثورات العربية وتقييم مستوى ما حققته من حرية وتنمية وما لم تحققه، ما يزال تشوبه نوع من الضبابية، نظرًا إلى صيرورة الثورات واستمرارية الأحداث بالدول محل الدراسة، على نحو يجعل من الصعب على أي باحث موضوعي أن يتنبأ بمداها وحدودها وانعكاساتها وتداعياتها، ومع ذلك يمكننا أن نتحدث عن بعض معالم الثورة التونسية.
فأهم ما حققته الثورة في تونس أنها لم تتحول إلى استبداد أو تجربة للفوضى كما حصل بليبيا، سوريا واليمن، فالتحول وإن كان نسبيًا إلا أنه جعل من الثورة التونسية المعاصرة نموذجًا ناجحًا، وتجربة فريدة من نوعها في العالم العربي والأفريقي والإسلامي، وهذا بفضل مستوى الوعي السياسي الذي تتسم به مختلف الأحزاب السياسية ومنظمات المجتمع المدني، لتدحض بذلك الأسطورة الغربية باستحالة بناء ديمقراطية في الوطن العربي [20] .
وُصف الانتقال التونسي بأنه “قصة نجاح استثنائية” مقارنة بدول الربيع العربي الأخرى، يعزى ذلك إلى جملة من العوامل الحاسمة التي حالت دون الانهيار السياسي والفوضى بعد الثورة، تمثلت بالدور الاستباقي للمجتمع المدني؛ “سياسة الإجماع” التي أنتجت الدستور الجديد؛ انتخابات سياسية متعاقبة ذات صدقية؛ أجريت منذ إطاحة بن علي، جنبًا إلى جنب مع التزام الأحزاب السياسية الرئيسية بالتعاون والحل الوسط، مزيج من هذه الأحداث مثّل حجر الزاوية في “التحول الديمقراطي بتونس”، والذي زود البلد بالأساس الهيكلي للإصلاح السياسي المستدام [21] .
ومع ذلك يرى بعض المحللين، أن تونس ما تزال تواجه تحديين اثنين: الأول يتعلق بكيفية التعامل مع الماضي، من خلال تفكيك إرث النظام السابق ليحل محله نظام ديمقراطي، وهي مسألة صعبة نظرًا إلى تغلغل النظام القديم بكل مفاصل الحياة السياسية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية. أما التحدي الثاني فيرتبط بكيفية النظر إلى المستقبل، من خلال تبني إصلاحات سياسية، اجتماعية واقتصادية، تجسد طموحات الشعب التونسي في وطن ينعم فيه الجميع بالحرية والكرامة وتحقق التنمية المنشودة، وذلك ضمانًا لتحقيق تحول ديمقراطي حقيقي شكلًا ومضمونًا [22] .
وبخصوص التجربة المصرية، يشير أغلب المراقبين والمتتبعين، إلى أن ثورة 25 يناير لم تحقق أهدافها، بعد أن أُجهضت على إثر الانقلاب العسكري الذي قاده عبد الفتاح السيسي. ترجع أسباب فشل الثورة المصرية إلى وقوعها في خطأين اثنين، فمن جهة لم تتفق القوى المحسوبة على الثورة على أولويات الثورة، ولم تنجح في التكتل وتشكيل قوة اجتماعية داعمة لمطالب الثورة، وفي استمرار الضغط لإزاحة أركان النظام السابق ودعائمه، ومن جهة أخرى لم تستسلم قوى النظام القديم وحلفاؤه في الداخل والخارج، وراحت تخطط للعودة من جديد مستغلة في ذلك تفرق القوى الثورية، ومعتمدة على دعم الإعلام والقضاء والمال فضلًا عن الدعم الخارجي.
وعليه، يقف أمام مسار التغيير في مصر وتحقيق أهداف ثورة يناير في الحرية، والديمقراطية، والعدالة الاجتماعية والتنمية ثلاث إشكالات، فبعد عقود من تجريف السياسة وزرع الخوف وقمع كل صوت حر، أصبحت البلاد تعاني إشكالية الدين والسياسة، وإشكالية الجيش والسياسة، وإشكالية عدم وجود قوى اجتماعية وسياسية تدافع عن التغيير الحقيقي، وتفهم أولوياته ومتطلباته ومخاطره الداخلية والخارجية [23] . كل هذا يوحي عن ضبابية المشهد السياسي المصري الذي يصعب معه التنبؤ بمستقبل الأوضاع لاحقًا.
أما بالنسبة إلى الحالة الجزائرية، فما يزال المشهد السياسي لم يفصح بعد عن معالم نجاح أو فشل الحراك الشعبي في تحقيق مطالبه. ومن المهمّ الإشارة في هذا الجانب إلى أن أغلب الحراك الشعبي يريد جزائر ديمقراطية، وعادلة اجتماعيًا، وفيها كرامة وسيادة قانون لمواطنيها. وفي هذا الإطار وضع رياض الصيداوي سيناريوهين لمستقبل الحراك بالجزائر: أولهما، سيناريو عودة النظام إلى النهج التسلطي، وهو سيناريو مستبعد؛ والثاني الأقرب حسبه هو سيناريو دمقرطة الحياة السياسية، إلا أن تحقيق هذه المرحلة تكون بشكل تدريجي وليس فجائيًا تجنبًا للعودة إلى تجربة التسعينيات [24] .
وبهذا، فإن الخروج من حالة الانسداد السياسي بالجزائر، يتطلب حسب ما طرحه محمد قيراط، الأخذ بعين الاعتبار أربعة متغيرات، هي: المؤسسة العسكرية، الأحزاب السياسية، المنظومة الاعلامية، القضاء و المجتمع المدني، إذ إن المتتبع يلاحظ تصدر رئيس أركان الجيش للمشهد السياسي والإعلامي، وهذا يطرح تساؤلًا حول دوره وما إذا كان من الممكن أن يُسلم الجيش السلطة للشعب، ويجب على الأحزاب السياسية ومنظمات المجتمع المدني أن تؤدي دورها المنوط بها باعتبارها أهم أدوات التغيير السياسي، أما المنظومة الاعلامية فإنها تعاني خللًا عميقًا، يستوجب إعادة النظر في دورها، بوصفها منبرًا لتعبئة الرأي العام ونقل الأحداث، كما يستوجب الأمر ضمان استقلالية القضاء ونزاهته للقيام بدوره الجوهري في نقل البلاد إلى مرحلة ديمقراطية حقة [25] .
ترتيبًا عمّا سبق، سيظل مطلب الحرية والتنمية قاصرًا بالتأكيد، إذا لم يتجاوز الربيع العربي الحتميّة الدورية الخلدونية، فيسقِط نظامًا هرمًا ليقيم نظامًا آخر يعيد آلياته نفسها ولو بعد حين؛ فتحقيق مطالب الحراك تحقيقًا ثوريًا لا يعني الانتقال من سلالة من الحكام إلى سلالة أخرى، وإنما يعني الانتقال من آليات في ممارسة الحكم إلى آلية أخرى، ومن هنا، يصبح مطلب الحرية والتنمية المطلب المحوري في مواجهة هذا الاستبداد؛ فمطالب الجماهير الثائرة ليست مشروعًا طوباويًا لمجتمع خال من العنف والهيمنة، لكنها مشروع تقييد العنف والهيمنة، وهي ليست أيضًا مشروعًا طوباويًا لمجتمع من دون دولة، لكنها مشروع ينزع عن الدولة صفة الاحتكار، ويسعى إلى تطوير مؤسساتها الضامنة لاحترام الحقوق وتحقيق الحريات، ومن ثمة النهوض باستقرار المجتمعات وتنميتها [26] .
قصارى القول، إننا في البحث عن معنى الحرية في الثورات نقف إزاء إشكاليات وتحديات كبيرة وعميقة، بعضها سياسي نابع من الغياب التاريخي لل السياسية، ولتقاليد العمل السياسي والحزبي، وعن الخضوع لأنظمة استبدادية لقرون، وبعضها اجتماعي اقتصادي ناجم عن ضعف التمدين وعن تخلّف الحياة الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية في المجتمعات العربية. وبعضها ناجم عن سياسات “الهوية” في هذه المنطقة، التي تشتغل على ترسيخ الانقسامات العمودية (الدينية والإثنية)، وإضعاف مسارات الاندماج المجتمعي في البلدان العربية، وتغييب المواطن الفرد [27] .
وعليه، فإن توطين الحرية في المجتمعات العربية بات مطلبًا لا غنى عنه، وإن قيام الثورات العربية ما هو إلا تعبير واضح وصريح عن توق المجتمعات العربية للحرية و التنمية، في ظل وطن واحد تسوده المساواة والعدالة وتحقق التنمية لكل المواطنين على قدم المساواة، ومن ثم فإن الخروج من شراك الاستبداد إنما يتطلب بناء نظام ديمقراطي حقيقي، يُمكّن الشعب بكافة فئاته، ويضع أسس دولة القانون والمؤسسات والمواطنة، بما يؤدي إلى إفراز حكومة مدنية منتخبة ومسؤولة قادرة على معالجة الملفات الحقيقية التي تمس المواطن العادي، والمتمثلة بضمان الحقوق والحريات، وتحقيق التنمية الاقتصادية والعدالة الاجتماعية، وتضع سياسات خارجية قادرة على مواجهة حالة التبعية المذلة للخارج.
اضغطوا على الرابط لقراءةالمجتمع المدني في ظل ثورات الربيع العربي
قد يهمكم أيضاًحرية الرأي والتعبير والحراك الديمقراطي في الوطن العربي: جدلية العلاقة
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